Trump's War Read online

  DRAINING THE SWAMP

  There’s an old legend that Washington, D.C., was built on a swamp. The enlightened ones over at the Washington Post say10 that’s not literally true. But it sure is true figuratively. In addition to all the horrible idealogues, from insane liberals to bloodthirsty neoconservatives to ivory tower academics, there is also the oozing sludge of plain old corruption, drowning any honest attempt to represent the people in its filthy slime.

  McConnell doesn’t want to drain the swamp. Why would he? He’s a swamp dweller, like his co-conspirators John “the Deranged Drunk” Boehner and Paul “Obama’s Beard” Ryan. They’re all part of the bought-and-sold Republican Party, which is wholly owned by Wall Street and corporate America.

  We found out just how deep the swamp water was on the very first day of business for the new Republican Congress. Was their first order of business to introduce a bill cutting taxes, or authorize funds to build the border wall Americans elected Trump to build, or even to repeal Obamacare, the one thing even Turkey Gobbler McConnell said the RINOs would work with Trump to do?

  No. Before the echoes from the first gavel had even subsided, they had moved to weaken the independent Office of Congressional Ethics (OCE), an office created in 2008 to address widespread scandals and corruption in Congress. They sought to turn the independent board into a review panel that answered to the House Ethics Committee, whose ineffectiveness was the whole reason the OCE was created in the first place.

  Perhaps you don’t remember how bad things had become before the board was created. I do. I remember when the FBI raided Louisiana Democrat representative William Jefferson’s home and found $90,000 in his freezer.11 Jefferson was convicted of eleven counts of corruption, including soliciting bribes and other crimes.12

  But those convicted are only the tip of the iceberg. They are the ones arrogant, unlucky, or stupid enough to get caught. The entire capital is a self-serving cesspool of graft, quid pro quo, and backroom deals. It’s corporations offering future jobs to regulators in exchange for the privilege of writing the regulations that give them an artificial advantage in the market. It’s the revolving door between Wall Street and Washington, where certain bankers become high-ranking government officials and then return to reap the rewards of the deals they did while in public office.

  The good news is Trump won the first skirmish against the RINOs seeking to give themselves a Get-Out-of-Jail-Free card on their first day in office. Using his signature response weapon, the well-timed tweet, Trump called the Republican Congress to task for making this the first order of business in a year where the people’s expectations were so high. And the RINOs backed down13—this time. The OCE was kept intact and operating just as it has for the past eight years.

  But it’s a sign Trump and his supporters are going to have to be vigilant. We’re going to have to watch these snakes every minute for four to eight long years because they’ve already shown whose side they’re on—their own.

  In addition to the liberals, the neocons, the war profiteers, the corporate lobbyists, and the evil of the place itself, Donald Trump must fight what, again, might be the most formidable enemy he faces: temptation. The temptation to be assimilated into the Washington swamp, instead of draining it, is powerful. How many conservatives in the past have gone to Washington intending to change it and ended up being changed themselves instead? How many have heard the siren song of easy money and privilege, if only they would go along to get along?

  Trump doesn’t need the money, but he’s a businessman. As he’s said himself during the campaign, he gets along with everyone. That’s how you build a successful business in the private sector, because the private sector works on cooperation and mutual benefit. Business owners get wealthier when they please customers.

  Washington works on precisely the opposite incentives. The insiders cooperate with each other, but to the detriment of the public, not its benefit. Getting anything done at all usually means compromising your principles and betraying your constituents. Trump not only has the opposing party to deal with; he has lifelong insiders in his own administration who don’t know another way to play the game.

  Two days after Trump’s election, the consummate insider, Newt Gingrich, was already equivocating on Trump’s first promise: to build a wall on the southern border and get Mexico to pay for it. Getting Mexico to pay was just a “great campaign device,” according to Gingrich.14 The following Saturday, Trump was backing up on the wall itself.15 Now, the wall might just be a fence. What does that mean? A cyclone fence? A picket fence? Maybe the Mexicans will carry the pickets with them into Arizona and put them where they want.

  There was more backpedaling from Trump’s appointees during their confirmation hearings. Secretary of state nominee Rex Tillerson said he supported the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), even though opposing it was a key plank of Trump’s economic platform. Defense secretary nominee James Mattis sounded more like Hillary Clinton on NATO and Russia and said he thought the Iran deal was “workable.”16

  Tillerson and CIA director nominee Mike Pompeo were also hawkish on Russia, sounding more like neocon ventriloquists than Trump nominees with their comments on Ukraine, hacking, and the nonexistent Russian threat to Europe.17

  Homeland security secretary nominee John Kelly said “undocumented children who are part of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program would ‘probably not be at the top of the list’ and that he would ‘keep an open mind.’”18

  Keep an open mind on illegal immigration? Who appointed this man, Trump or Obama?

  There were too many departures from Trump’s platform for me to list them all. They were so striking that Trump himself apparently felt he had to cover for them on Twitter. A January 13 tweet read, “All of my Cabinet nominee [sic] are looking good and doing a great job. I want them to be themselves and express their own thoughts, not mine!”19

  Trump erased all doubt that he personally would follow through on his key promises by signing several executive orders during his very first week, including withdrawing from TPP, building the wall, a freeze on nonmilitary federal employees, defunding international organizations who perform abortions, banning cabinet members from lobbying for life, and suspending immigration from countries already identified as hotbeds of radical Islamic terrorism. He faced opposition on all of them, the most hostile regarding his suspension of immigration from Iraq, Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen.20

  Not surprisingly, the executive action most beneficial to U.S. citizens is the one most resisted by the globalists in the swamp. Immediately, the ACLU got a federal judge to partially undermine Trump’s order on a legal technicality that may eventually be overturned.21 In general, the executive order follows the 1952 Immigration and Nationality Act, the relevant sections of which were never overturned by subsequent immigration law. In fact, contrary to what is being reported by many of the fake news outlets lined up against Trump, Obama signed legislation extending the president’s authority in this area.22

  Still, these were huge victories for us. We just need to maintain our resolve because the enemies within are going to try to overturn every one of these actions by Trump by any means possible. And the liberal media will wage a nonstop propaganda war to weaken our commitment.

  We can’t expect one hundred percent of what he promised, but we must ensure the main campaign promises are fulfilled. they include the wall, jobs, deporting illegal alien prisoners, banning Muslims from certain countries where radical Islamic terrorism is prevalent, lowering taxes, protecting our right to bear arms, dumping Obamacare, rebuilding our military, protecting our religious beliefs from radicals, stopping late-term abortion, just to name a few key promises. I will continue to do my job as a member of the Fourth Estate: to be a thorn in the government’s side, even Donald Trump’s government, if it goes off course. I will need your help. The Savage Nation put Donald Trump in office. That was just the first battle. Now we’re going to have to win the war.
r />   In the ensuing chapters of this book, I am going to be examining the initial appointments, speeches, tweets, and history of Donald Trump and offering my insights and analysis. But analysis is not enough. We need to take action. At the beginning of each chapter, I am going to summarize the “Savage Solutions” needed to restore and reclaim this nation, which is presently teetering on the edge of the abyss. We need to stand behind Trump and, when necessary, hold his feet to the fire, to ensure the vital work gets done. As with the election, it’s the Savage Nation that can make the difference.

  SAVAGE SOLUTIONS

  Cut taxes, unshackle American corporations and citizens.

  Quit NAFTA at once, just as he did with TPP.

  Employment mandate for America: foreigners need not apply.

  Immediately rebuild infrastructure through private investment.

  CHAPTER TWO

  TRUMP’S ECONOMIC WAR

  Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders agree on one thing: The economy is rigged. It’s rigged for rich special interests and against the rest of America. Wall Street keeps getting richer and Main Street is, for the first time in American history, getting poorer. On that much, Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, and even Michael Savage agree.

  We disagree on what to do about it. Comrade Bernie thinks we need even more socialism. Unfortunately, a lot of young people agree with him. Donald Trump and I believe exactly the opposite.

  What we need is more true capitalism, as opposed to the pro-big-business, crony capitalism we have now. Pro-business and capitalism are not the same thing. Capitalism has open competition and people suffer losses when they make bad decisions. What we have now are sellout deals that restrict competition and bailouts whenever the gamblers make a bad bet.

  The elites like to call Trump a “populist,” implying he’s an anti-capitalist demagogue promising to protect uneducated rubes from the natural consequences of the free market. That’s a lie. It’s the special interests who get protection from natural market forces and Trump’s coming to take it away. He’s going to try to restore the one thing the elites fear most: a level playing field for every American.

  TRADE TRAITORS

  On Donald Trump’s first business day as president of the United States, he signed an executive order pulling the United States out of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade deal. He immediately faced criticism for keeping this promise to his supporters from Democrats and Republicans, who were all suddenly academic free-market purists when Trump sided with the American people over the special interests.

  Let me let you in on some more history they didn’t have time to teach you while you were studying climate change in school. In addition to government-funded roads and infrastructure, the Republican Party originally supported high tariffs. Like infrastructure, they inherited this idea from the Whig Party, but it really started all the way back with Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists. The Federalists, Whigs, and Republicans all wanted high tariffs to give American manufacturing a chance to grow out of its infancy, without having to compete with more established manufacturing abroad.

  So, when you hear Republicans opposing Trump on his America-first trade policies, you should know it’s Trump who is being true to the GOP’s founding principles, not the sellouts. But Trump isn’t even proposing the kind of protectionism Republicans in the past proposed. America isn’t in the same position it was back then.

  Trump has said many times he’s all for “free trade,” but it must be fair. This has been my position for decades. A true free-trade deal would only have to be a sentence or two long. It would simply say all signatories agree they will not impose tariffs or quotas on imports and won’t subsidize domestic manufacturers nor manipulate their currency to give them an artificial advantage. Period. That’s free trade.

  That’s not what the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) or the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is. If you haven’t read them, I’ll give you a hint. They’re a little more than two sentences long. They’re thousands of pages long because they’re full of all sorts of backroom deals for established corporations to get rich and leave American workers behind. And they don’t offer the same benefits to the United States that they do to the other trading partners.

  For example, when NAFTA was signed, it eliminated tariffs on half of all Mexican imports into the United States, but only one-third of U.S. exports into Mexico.1 Right off the bat the United States agreed to an unequal exchange, based on Mexico being a poorer country that needed America’s help to catch up.

  This is a recurring theme with the progressive globalists. They believe wealth should be redistributed from First World countries to the Third World through all sorts of schemes.2 You wouldn’t find Democrats backing a “free trade” deal unless there was a welfare component. For them, it’s all about redistributing wealth from rich countries like the United States to destitute countries, which are of course all nobler than evil white America, no matter why they are destitute.

  Even the climate change hoax is largely about international wealth redistribution,3 but that is a subject for another chapter.

  Even with NAFTA fully implemented, it’s still slanted toward the poorest of the three trading partners. American exporters must comply with rigorous environmental, safety, and quality regulations. Certainly, the United States is vastly overregulated, but trading partners like Mexico represent the other extreme. NAFTA protects Mexico from scrutiny of its compliance with emission tests, quality controls, and other regulations.4

  That’s why multinationals are so eager to move to Mexico to do their manufacturing. They can do it for a fraction of the cost, partially because poor Mexicans will work for nothing and partially because they don’t have to comply with any regulations, or at least not to the extent they must here.

  The worst part of deals like NAFTA and TPP is the threat they represent to our national sovereignty. Our Constitution delegates all legislative power to Congress. That means it prohibits legislative power to the other two branches. Many have argued our regulatory agencies are unconstitutional because they represent the executive legislating. Emperor Soetoro made that somewhat moot when he started legislating himself, with his pen and phone.

  But NAFTA, TPP, and similar “free trade” deals do even worse than that. They delegate legislative power away from our elected government completely, bestowing it upon unelected, international regulatory boards. That was one of the key issues with Brexit. The Europeans were promised the European Union would not undermine their sovereignty. That promise was broken.

  By the time the Brits voted to get out of the European Union, Brussels was regulating everything from medicine and housing to what’s on their fruit juice labels.5 As Tory MP Peter Bone said: “We cannot do anything about this legislation. We cannot amend it, we are powerless to stop it. It is fundamentally undemocratic.”6

  NAFTA and TPP have all the same, undemocratic, internationalist mechanisms built in. They give everybody what they want. The socialists get an international, redistributive, regulatory state with no national borders or local sovereignty. It’s another step on the road for them to Marx’s international communist utopia.

  The multinational corporations benefit because they can increasingly ignore the rights and prerogatives of people in any particular nation and just lobby the international regulatory bodies to get what they want. That’s a lot less expensive and a lot less complicated for them. With NAFTA, TPP, and the European Union, they only have to lobby three governments instead of 190.

  That’s where the globalists were taking us. There was just one problem. The little people are smarter than the globalists figured. First with Brexit and then Trump’s electoral victory, the little people stood up and said they wanted their countries back. And there are more shots heard round the world coming. Marine Le Pen is now the front-runner in France.7 Even the socialist Justin Trudeau in Canada faces the threat of a nationalist backlash.8

  The smug elites like to paint the nationalists as paroc
hial rubes who don’t know what is good for them. They call us “populists” and even imply we’re against free markets. That’s a lie. Free markets don’t involve huge corporations getting advantages over their competition from international regulatory bodies that override national sovereignty. A true free market protects property rights and freedom of entry into the market for everyone.

  The TPP deal was NAFTA on steroids, because it involved twelve new countries to which the multinationals can export U.S. jobs. If you think competing with Mexico is tough on U.S. jobs, just wait until it’s Malaysia. Even Bangladesh has expressed an interest. Maybe Apple will move there and pay people in food to build iPhones.

  TPP also brought with it the same assaults on national sovereignty as NAFTA and the EU brought to North Americans and Europeans, respectively. It was just another piece of the global socialist puzzle.

  The Marxist in Chief pushed hard for this deal. He signed it last February but it was never passed by Congress. Even the Turkey Gobbler was too afraid to push it through the Senate in a lame-duck session9 and Obama gave up on pursuing it. But that doesn’t mean it wouldn’t have been back if Trump hadn’t killed it on his first business day in office. Remember, the Republicans were overwhelmingly in favor of it just a year ago and as soon as their fear of the voters wears off, they’ll surely start thinking about their corporate donors again.

  Trump’s economic plan takes a flamethrower to the international socialist-corporatist takeover. This isn’t anti-capitalist; it’s pro-capitalist. While he wants to get tougher on trade, he recognizes American corporations are not evil in and of themselves. That’s why he wants to eliminate as much unnecessary regulation as he can. He’s not a socialist Democrat who wants to use regulation as an excuse to kill all for-profit businesses as enemies of Gaia.